Educational relationships outside school

The study

This study examined the role of educational relationships in out-of-school activities
and their impact on young people’s learning. Its aim was to compare the experiences
of young people who live in impoverished circumstances with those of their more
affl uent peers in order to explore implications for educational achievement.

The relationship between poverty and lack of school attainment is well established
(Gregg et al., 1999; HM Treasury, 1999; Ennals, 2005). Policy initiatives to address
this have only met with partial success (Bradshaw, 2005) and many young people
are still trapped in a cycle of deprivation, educational underachievement and
failure. The research reported here was premised on the view that positive, focused
educational relationships between teachers and pupils are likely to promote positive
attitudes to school and learning which will ultimately lead to greater achievement.
However, to successfully establish such relationships both pupils and teachers
need highly developed interpersonal skills and understanding. The study explored
the opportunities young people have for developing these skills in the educational
relationships they experience out of school.

The study used mapping and interview techniques to address three questions:

>  What do young people gain from engagement in out-of-school activities?

>  Do young people from low-income families participate less in these activities than
    those from more affl uent homes?

>  If so what can be done to redress the added disadvantage that this creates for
    young people in low-income families?

Our sample comprised 25 young people in receipt of free school meals and attending
schools in the South West of England. They were matched by 30 of their peers from
the same schools, but living in more affl uent circumstances. Twenty-six of the young
people were in Year 6 (11 years old) and 29 were in Year 9 (14 years old).

Findings

What did the young people do?

The young people reported a considerable range of out-of-school activities. These fell
into two categories:

>  organised groups run by adults on a regular basis and often focused on a specifi c
    activity

>  spontaneous activities that the young people engaged in with their families and
    friends.

The activities we uncovered largely match those identifi ed by the survey response
to the  Youth Matters consultation (DfES, 2006). Our qualitative approach allowed us
to extend our understanding of the wider benefi ts of learning from these activities
(Brynner and Feinstein, 2006).

The rich seam of spontaneous activities was particularly noteworthy. Inevitably the
young people spent a considerable amount of time with their friends and families.
While time spent with family and friends was clearly fulfi lling and, in most cases,
formative and instructive, this was not the focus of the study. Our focus was the
possible added value conferred by educational relationships that are beyond the
everyday experiences of school and home. We see this as a specifi c, valuable (and
possibly neglected) strand of educational experiences.

The main impetus for young people for joining in any organised out-of-school activity
was social. The social advantages of wider networks were frequently stressed and
seemed to be a positive infl uence on young people. The main reason for continued
commitment was enjoyment of the activities themselves. However, in most cases
parental support was also needed for continued membership.

What did the young people learn?

An analysis of the learning that took place within these organised activities revealed
the value and richness of the participation and highlighted what was denied to
those young people unable to take part. Two striking aspects of the young people’s
engagement with these out-of-school activities were, fi rst, the ways in which they
were making genuine contributions to the activities through the responsibilities
that they undertook, and second, their level of understanding and articulation of
what they had learnt. From the interviews it was possible to see development of
specialist vocabulary and skills and the evaluation and reward of these through local
and national frames of assessment. Many activities had become such signifi cant
life experiences for the young people that they linked them to their future career
aspirations.

Further analysis provided insights into the differences in the ways young people
behaved in out-of-school activities and in the classroom. As the young people
discussed their attitudes towards the management of behaviour, it became apparent
that strict discipline was applied and maintained within many of these out-of-school
settings. This was generally accepted without complaint and clearly differentiated
from behaviour management strategies in school.

The importance of educational relationships

The relationships with the adults involved in the activity were a strong factor in
continued participation. We identifi ed two main roles for these adults:

>  Supervisory – there was a distinction between single-activity out-of-school clubs
    and the less focused (but still organised) clubs and groups where the adult
    involvement is not ‘teaching’ but limited to a more peripheral, mainly supervisory
    role.

>  Role models – in the single-activity out-of-school clubs the adults were a key
    element of the young people’s involvement. They were seen as role models and
    the young people aspired to the particular profi ciencies which they attributed to
    these leaders. The adults contributed their expertise to the activity as opposed to
    their ‘adultness’, and they were often perceived as fellow learners.

Whatever role the adult played in the activity, the relationship was always perceived
as being very different from that with teachers in school, even when it was the
same adult (e.g. teachers taking drama or sports clubs). Although the adults in the
clubs could be strict and demanding they were much more likely to be described as
friends and the predominant word used was ‘fun’ in relation to both the adults and
the activities. Power was more evenly distributed as the young people saw the adult
involvement, as well as their own, as voluntary. The adults were there because they
wanted to share their own enthusiasm for the activity and not because they had a
separate agenda to impose.
The conclusion we drew from these results was that these young people
conceptualised the role of adults in the out-of-school activities and the role of adults
as teachers in school in very different ways. Teachers in classrooms tended to be
perceived as part of the system rather than as part of the activity itself. The adults
in the out-of-school activities were perceived as co-learners and an integral part of
the activity. This extended understanding of the role of adults in learning changed
young people’s perceptions of the task and character of teachers. Where out-of-
school learning had impacted on learning in school it was because young people’s
relationship with teachers had been changed to a more equal interaction. The young
people now saw themselves as active participants rather than as passive recipients
of the curriculum.

Impact of poverty

The diversity and number of spontaneous activities reported was similar for
both the free school meal and the more affl uent groups but the list of organised
activities revealed substantive differences between the type and quality of activities
experienced. Of the 30 more affl uent young people only six were not attending
organised activities after school. For the young people on free school meals the
numbers were considerably higher: 11 out of the 25 young people were not attending
some organised after-school provision.

The data were further analysed by age, gender and location. While there were
differences when considering age and location, there appeared to be very little
gender difference.

In Year 6 there was a marked difference between the types of activities taken up by
young people. While the more affl uent young people were engaged in a variety of
activities on the school site and beyond, the young people on free school meals were
generally more reliant on school provision. In Year 9 the distinction between the two
groups was starker. The more affl uent young people were taking part in a rich and
varied range of organised activities, but this was much more limited for the young
people on free school meals.

More importantly, living in a rural location appeared to have a strong effect on uptake
of out-of-school activities. Young people in poverty and living in rural locations were
doubly disadvantaged. Only fi ve out of the 13 young people on free school meals in
rural locations took part in some form of out-of-school activity. This compared to nine
out of the 12 young people on free school meals in urban locations and 15 out of the
18 more affl uent rural young people. The problems of the rural young people on free
school meals mirrored those of other young people on free school meals but were
exacerbated by fewer options and distance.

Reasons for non-attendance

The factors for non-attendance often overlapped and intensifi ed each other. They
formed a complex constellation of disadvantages which inhibited young people’s
opportunities and appetites for organised out-of-school experiences.

A key element was the availability, or perception of availability, of organised activities
in the young people’s schools and neighbourhoods. This was a complex issue linked
to access and cost and the young people’s perceptions of what was possible.

Transport was a key concern, affecting the young people’s capacity to do things that
their friends were doing. Some competitive activities required parents to take their
children to matches further afi eld. This was particularly problematic for families where
personal transport is restricted and therefore reciprocity between families is not
possible.

Organised activities often involved extra costs such as entrance fees and equipment.

Involvement in family life and practices appeared to take additional time and
commitment for the young people on free school meals. Many of these young people
were living in complex and re-formed families, and time was spent with non-resident
fathers and stepfamilies.

Where there were no affordable organised activities for the young people they
were generally frustrated and disappointed. The lack of opportunities fuelled their
perception of themselves as non-attendees. The young people on free school meals
frequently claimed they did not want to engage in the same way as others although
they were keen to talk about more spontaneous activities that they had chosen to do.